Bangladesh appeared on the world map as an independent country in 1971, some 40 years ago, after a 9 month long civil war (liberation struggle) in which nearly one million people died. The civil war in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) started when the Pakistani army launched military offensive against the protesting Bengali people in March 1971. This civil war and subsequent independence of East Pakistan was the direct result of policies adopted by the establishment belonging to west Pakistan and treatment meted out to the Bengali population. There was a strong perception in East Pakistan that they are being treated as second class citizens of Pakistan and ruling elite in West Pakistan is not ready to give them their due political and economic share. The increased poverty, denial of basic democratic and fundamental human rights, falling living standards, sense of deprivation, rising unemployment, repression, complete economic, political social and cultural dominance of the ruling elite of West Pakistan over the East Pakistan and underdevelopment of East Pakistan give rise to the nationalist sentiments and mood among the masses of East Pakistan. The Nationalist consciousness reached to the peaks when establishment in West Pakistan refused to accept the parliamentary majority of the East Pakistan and their right to form the federal government.
British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan were created in 1947; the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines. The predominantly Muslim eastern half of Bengal became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal.
Political instability and economic difficulties marked Pakistan’s history from 1947 to 1971. Seven prime ministers and cabinets were sacked. This musical chair continued till the imposition of Martial Law in 1958 by General Ayub Khan. In 1956 a constitution was at last adopted, making the country an “Islamic republic within the Commonwealth”. The nascent democratic institutions foundered in the face of military intervention in 1958, and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962, and again between 1969 and 1971. From 1962 to 1969, General Ayub Khan becomes president and declared himself as Field Marshal. The imposition of Martial Law and a prolonged military regime further alienated the Bengali population. During this military regime not only the difference between rich and poor reached to unprecedented levels and created class tensions but also the disparity between West and East Pakistan was reached to the highest levels.
Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947, frictions developed between East and West Pakistan, which were separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian Territory. East Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government. Linguistic, cultural, and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan.
Great differences began developing between the two wings of Pakistan. While the west had a minority share of Pakistan’s total population, it had the largest share of revenue allocation, industrial development, agricultural reforms and civil development projects. The Punjabis, Muhajirs and Pashtuns dominated the military and civil bureaucracy. The civil and military establishment was the real power in the country and took full advantage of the weak political leadership and capitalist class. The Bengalis were under represented in the state structures. Only one regiment in the Pakistani Army was Bengali. And many Bengali Pakistanis could not share the natural enthusiasm for the Kashmir issue, which they felt was leaving East Pakistan more vulnerable and threatened as a result.
Emergence of Bangla Nationalism
In 1948, the Government of Pakistan ordained Urdu as the sole national language, sparking extensive protests among the Bengali-speaking majority of East Pakistan. Facing rising sectarian tensions and mass discontent with the new law, the government outlawed public meetings and rallies. The students of the University of Dhaka and other political activists defied the law and organised protest on 21 February 1952. The movement reached its climax when police killed student demonstrators on that day. The deaths provoked widespread civil unrest led by the Awami Muslim League, later renamed as Awami League. After years of conflict, the central government relented and granted official status to the Bengali language in 1956. The Language Movement catalysed the assertion of Bengali national identity in Pakistan, and became a forerunner to Bengali nationalist movements, including the 6-point movement and subsequently the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971.
The first election for East Bengal Provincial Assembly was held between 8 March and 12 March 1954. The Awami Muslim League, Krishak-Sramik Party and Nezam-e-Islam formed the United Front, on the basis of 21-points agenda.
The United Front won 215 out of 237 Muslim seats in the election. The ruling Muslim League got only nine seats. Khilafat-E-Rabbani Party got one, while the independents got twelve seats. Later, seven independent members joined the United Front while one joined the Muslim League.
There were numerous reasons for the debacle of the Muslim League. Above all, the Muslim League regime angered all sections of the people of Bengal by opposing the demand for recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages and by ordering the massacre of 1952.
United Front forms the provincial government.
But this cabinet lasted for only fourteen days. The Muslim League could not concede defeat in the elections in good grace. So, they resorted to conspiracies to dismiss the United Front government. In the third week of May, there were bloody riots between Bengali and non-Bengali workers in different mills and factories of East Bengal. The United Front government was blamed for failing to control the law and order situation in the province. The federal government sacked the united front government and imposed governor rule. This paved the way for the federal government to control and run the administration directly from federal capital. This policy of direct control further provoked the nationalist sentiments.
1970 Elections and rise of Awami League
The revolutionary uprising of the working masses over through the military regime of General Ayub Khan in 1969. The situation was ripe for a socialist revolution led by the workers. In the absence of a genuine socialist revolutionary party and leadership, the Stalinist and Moist left blindly followed the reactionary and bankrupt Stalinist ideas of stages theory and failed to build a working class alternative. The workers, peasants, urban poor, students, layers of urban and rural middle class and youth showed their determination, courage and power and continued their struggle to over through capitalism and feudalism. The ideas of Socialism spread in the working class and poor population like a wild fire. The gigantic general strike and mass demonstrations paralysed the state apparatus for more than a month both in east and West part of the country.
This situation frightened the ruling class and military establishment and they announced the fist general elections in the country in 1970 to defuse the situation and divert the attention of the working masses.
The results of the general elections clearly reflected the mood and consciousness of the society. Both PPP led by Bhutto and Awami League led by Sheikh Mujib-u-rehman Emerged as the leading parties on bases of the slogans of Socialism, secularism and democracy. All the religious and pro-establishment parties were routed. The working masses rejected the vicious propaganda against socialism and overwhelmingly voted for a social change.
Awami league also used nationalism as its main slogan in the elections. Awami League cleverly mixes the class issues with nationalistic slogans and gained the support of the radical workers, students and youth.
Awami League won 165 out of 167 national assembly seats reserved for East Pakistan. 2 seats won by independents. PPP fail to won single seat in East Pakistan. PPP won 81 seats in West Pakistan and become leading force there. Awami league fail won a single seat in West Pakistan.
Awami League emerges as victorious on national level as it won 165 out of 313 national assembly seats. It was the single largest party in the new parliament. Awami league was formed in 1955 when Awami Muslim League split into pro-establishment right wing and anti establishment radical nationalist left leaning factions. Awami League becomes mass force in the late 1960s as the radical nationalist, left groups and intellectuals joins it. Sheikh Mujib emerged as the main leader of the party.
The election results shocked the establishment and it refused to hand over power to the Awami League. General Yahya Khan, the interim military ruler refused to convene the session of the parliament.
After the Awami League won almost all the East Pakistan seats of the Pakistan’s National Assembly in the 1970-71 elections, West Pakistan opened talks with the East on constitutional questions about the division of power between the central government and the provinces, as well as the formation of a national government headed by the Awami League.
The talks proved unsuccessful, however, and on March 1, 1971, Pakistani President Yahya Khan indefinitely postponed the pending National Assembly session, precipitating massive civil disobedience in East Pakistan.
Poor Response to the 1970 cyclone
The 1970 Bhola cyclone made landfall on the East Pakistan coastline during the evening of 12 November, around the same time as a local high tide killing an estimated 300,000 to 500,000 people. Though the exact death toll is not known, it is considered the deadliest tropical cyclone on record. A week after the landfall, President Yahya Khan conceded that his government had made “slips” and “mistakes” in its handling of the relief efforts due to a lack of understanding of the magnitude of the disaster.
A statement released by eleven political leaders in East Pakistan ten days after the cyclone hit charged the government with “gross neglect, callous and utter indifference”. They also accused the president of playing down the magnitude of the problem in news coverage. On 19 November, students held a march in Dhaka protesting the slowness of the government response.[ Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani leading peasant leader and leader of the radical left wing National Awami Party (NAP)addressed a rally of 50,000 people on 24 November, where he accused the president of inefficiency and demanded his resignation.
As the conflict between East and West Pakistan developed in March, the Dhaka offices of the two government organisations directly involved in relief efforts were closed for at least two weeks, first by a general strike and then by a ban on government work in East Pakistan by the Awami League. With this increase in tension, foreign personnel were evacuated over fears of violence. Relief work continued in the field, but long-term planning was curtailed. This conflict widened into the Bangladesh Liberation War in December and concluded with the creation of Bangladesh. This is one of the first times that a natural event helped to trigger a civil war.
Beginning of the liberation struggle
On March 2, 1971, a group of students, led by A S M Abdur Rob, student leader & VP of DUCSU (Dhaka University Central Students Union) and well known left wing leader raised the new (proposed) flag of Bangla under the direction of Swadhin Bangla Nucleus.
On March 3, 1971, student leader Sahjahan Siraj read the Sadhinotar Ishtehar (Declaration of independence) at Paltan Maidan in front of Bangabandhu Shaikh Mujib along with student and public gathering under the direction of Swadhin Bangla Nucleus
On March 7, there was a historical public gathering in Paltan Maidan to hear the guideline for the revolution and independence from Shaikh Mujib, the frontier leader of movement that time. Although he avoided the direct speech of independence as the talks were still underway, he influenced the mob to prepare for the separation war. The speech is still considered a key moment in the war of liberation, and is remembered for the phrase, “Ebarer Shongram Muktir Shongram, Ebarer Shongram Shadhinotar Shongram….” (“This time, the revolution is for freedom; this time, the revolution is for liberation….”).
After the military crackdown by the Pakistan army began during the early hours of March 26, 1971 Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested and the political leaders dispersed, mostly fleeing to neighbouring India where they organized a provisional government afterwards. Before being held up by the Pakistani Army Sheikh Mujibur Rahman gave a hand note of the declaration of the independence of Bangladesh and it was circulated amongst people and transmitted by the then East Pakistan Rifles’ wireless transmitter. Bengali Army Major Zia-Ur-Rahman captured Kalurghat Radio Station in Chittagong and read the declaration of independence of Bangladesh. Later that day, Major Zia read the declaration of independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
“I, Major Zia-ur-Rahman, on behalf of our great national leader and supreme commandar Sheikh Mujibur Rahman do hereby proclaim the independence of Bangladesh.”
The Provisional Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh was formed in Meherpur, (later renamed as Mujibnagar a place adjacent to the Indian border). Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was announced to be the head of the state. Tajuddin Ahmed became the prime minister of the government. There the war plan was sketched with armed forces established named “Muktibahini” (freedom fighters).
On 25 March 1971, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by brutal suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment in what came to be termed Operation Searchlight.
The violent crackdown by West Pakistan forces led to East Pakistan declaring its independence as the state of Bangladesh and to the start of civil war. The war led to a sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million) flooding into the eastern provinces of India. Facing a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, India started actively aiding and organising the Bangladeshi resistance army known as the Mukti Bahini.
The war broke out on 26 March 1971 as army units directed by West Pakistan launched a military operation in East Pakistan against Bengali civilians, students, intelligentsia, and armed personnel who were demanding separation of the East from West Pakistan. Bengali military, paramilitary, and civilians formed the Mukti Bahini (Liberation Army”) and used guerrilla warfare tactics to fight against the West Pakistan army.
Operation Searchlight
A planned military pacification carried out by the Pakistan Army – codenamed Operation Searchlight – started on 25 March to curb the Bengali nationalist movement by taking control of the major cities on 26 March, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military,within one month. Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically deported from East Pakistan.
The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali hands in mid-May. The operation also began the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities. These systematic killings served only to enrage the Bengalis, which ultimately resulted in the secession of East Pakistan later in the same year. The international media and reference books in English have published casualty figures which vary greatly, from 5,000–35,000 in Dhaka, and 200,000–3,000,000 for Bangladesh as a whole and the atrocities have been referred to as acts of genocide.
According to the Asia Times,
At a meeting of the military top brass, Yahya Khan declared: “Kill 3 million of them and the rest will eat out of our hands.” Accordingly, on the night of 25 March, the Pakistani Army launched Operation Searchlight to “crush” Bengali resistance in which Bengali members of military services were disarmed and killed, students and the intelligentsia systematically liquidated and able-bodied Bengali males just picked up and gunned down.
Although the violence focused on the provincial capital, Dhaka, it also affected all parts of East Pakistan. Residential halls of the University of Dhaka were particularly targeted. The only Hindu residential hall – the Jagannath Hall – was destroyed by the Pakistani armed forces, and an estimated 600 to 700 of its residents were murdered. The Pakistani army denies any cold blooded killings at the university, though the Hamood-ur-Rehman commission in Pakistan concluded that overwhelming force was used at the university. This fact and the massacre at Jagannath Hall and nearby student dormitories of Dhaka University are corroborated by a videotape secretly filmed by Prof. Nurul Ullah of the East Pakistan Engineering University, whose residence was directly opposite the student dormitories.
At first resistance was spontaneous and disorganised, and was not expected to be prolonged.[46] But when the Pakistani Army cracked down upon the population, resistance grew. The Mukti Bahini became increasingly active. The Pakistani military sought to quell them, but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to the underground “Bangladesh army”. These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and bolstered their weaponry with supplies from India. Pakistan responded by airlifting in two infantry divisions and reorganising their forces. They also raised paramilitary forces of Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams (who were mostly members of the Jamati Islami (the main religious fundamental organisation and other Islamist groups), as well as other Bengalis who opposed independence, and Bihari Muslims who had settled during the time of partition.
On 17 April 1971, a provisional government was formed in Meherpur district in western Bangladesh bordering India with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was in prison in Pakistan, as President, Syed Nazrul Islam as Acting President, Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister, and General Muhammad Ataul Ghani Osmani as Commander-in-Chief, Bangladesh Forces. As fighting grew between the occupation army and the Bengali Mukti Bahini an estimated 10 million Bengalis, sought refuge in the Indian states of Assam and West Bengal.
In December 1971, Indian army entered into East Pakistan to fight with Pakistani forces and secure victory for Mukti Bahini.
Wary of the growing involvement of India, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched a pre-emptive strike on Indian Air Force bases on 3 December 1971. The attack was modelled on the Israeli Air Force’s Operation Focus during the Six-Day War, and intended to neutralize the Indian Air Force planes on the ground. However, the plan failed to achieve the desired success since India had anticipated such an action. The strike was however seen as an open act of unprovoked aggression by India. This marked the official start of the Indo-Pakistani War.
As a response to the attack, both India and Pakistan formally acknowledged the existence of a state of war between the two countries, even though neither government had formally issued a Declaration of War.[51]
Three Indian corps were involved in the invasion of East Pakistan. They were supported by nearly three brigades of Mukti Bahini fighting alongside them, and many more fighting irregularly. This was far superior to the Pakistani army of three divisions.[52] The Indians quickly overran the country, selectively engaging or bypassing heavily defended strongholds. Pakistani forces were unable to effectively counter the Indian attack, as they had been deployed in small units around the border to counter guerrilla attacks by the Mukti Bahini.[53] Unable to defend Dhaka, the Pakistanis surrendered on 16 December 1971.
India’s external intelligence agency, the RAW, played a crucial role in providing logistic support to the Mukti Bahini during the initial stages of the war. RAW’s operations, in then East Pakistan, was the largest covert operation in the history of South Asia.
Following India’s entry into the war, Pakistan fearing certain defeat, made urgent appeals to the United Nations to intervene and force India to agree to a cease fire. The UN Security Council assembled on 4 December 1971 to discuss the hostilities in South Asia. After lengthy discussions on 7 December, the United States made a resolution for “immediate cease-fire and withdrawal of troops.” While supported by the majority, the USSR vetoed the resolution twice. In light of the Pakistani atrocities against Bengalis, the United Kingdom and France abstained on the resolution.[
On 16 December 1971, Lt. Gen A. A. K. Niazi, CO of Pakistan Army forces located in East Pakistan signed the Instrument of Surrender. At the time of surrender only a few countries had provided diplomatic recognition to the new nation. Over 90,000 Pakistani troops surrendered to the Indian forces making it the largest surrender since World War II. Bangladesh sought admission in the UN with most voting in its favour, but China vetoed this as Pakistan was its key ally. The United States, also a key ally of Pakistan, was one of the last nations to accord Bangladesh recognition. To ensure a smooth transition, in 1972 the Simla Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan. The treaty ensured that Pakistan recognised the independence of Bangladesh in exchange for the return of the Pakistani PoWs.
The United States supported Pakistan both politically and materially. U.S. President Richard Nixon denied getting involved in the situation, saying that it was an internal matter of Pakistan. But when Pakistan’s defeat seemed certain, Nixon sent the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise to the Bay of Bengal, a move deemed by the Indians as a nuclear threat. Enterprise arrived on station on 11 December 1971. On 6 and 13 December, the Soviet Navy dispatched two groups of ships, armed with nuclear missiles, from Vladivostok; they trailed U.S. Task Force 74 in the Indian Ocean from 18 December until 7 January 1972.
The Nixon administration provided support to Pakistan President Yahya Khan during the turmoil.
Nixon and Henry Kissinger feared Soviet expansion into South and Southeast Asia. Pakistan was a close ally of the People’s Republic of China, with whom Nixon had been negotiating a rapprochement and which he intended to visit in February 1972. Nixon feared that an Indian invasion of West Pakistan would mean total Soviet domination of the region, and that it would seriously undermine the global position of the United States and the regional position of America’s new tacit ally, China. In order to demonstrate to China the bona fides of the United States as an ally, and in direct violation of the US Congress-imposed sanctions on Pakistan, Nixon sent military supplies to Pakistan and routed them through Jordan and Iran,[76] while also encouraging China to increase its arms supplies to Pakistan.
The Nixon administration also ignored reports it received of the genocidal activities of the Pakistani Army in East Pakistan, most notably the Blood telegram.
The Soviet Union supported Bangladesh and Indian armies, as well as the Mukti Bahini during the war, recognising that the independence of Bangladesh would weaken the position of its rivals – the United States and China. It gave assurances to India that if a confrontation with the United States or China developed, the USSR would take countermeasures. This was enshrined in the Indo-Soviet friendship treaty signed in August 1971. The Soviets also sent a nuclear submarine to ward off the threat posed by USS Enterprise in the Indian Ocean.
At the end of the war, the Warsaw Pact countries were among the first to recognize Bangladesh. The Soviet Union accorded recognition to Bangladesh on 25 January 1972. The United States delayed recognition for some months, before according it in April 1972.
Mukti Bahini
Although Mukti Bahini was formed to fight off the military crackdown by the Pakistan army on March 25, 1971 during the climax of the Bangladesh freedom movement,
Since the anti-Ayub uprising in 1969 and during the height of Mujib’s six points movement, there was a growing movement among the Bengalis in East Pakistan to become independent driven by the nationalists, radicals and leftists.
Other than the organizations of Mukti Bahini who were generally trained and armed by the Indian Army, there were independent guerrilla groups led by individual leaders, either nationalists or leftists, who were successfully controlling some areas.
The regular forces later called Niomita Bahini (regular force) consisted of the members of the East Bengal Regiments (EBR), East Pakistan Rifles (EPR, later BDR), police, other paramilitary forces and the general people who were commanded by the army commanders in the 11 sectors all over Bangladesh. Three major forces: Z-Force under the command of Major (later, Major General) Ziaur Rahman, K-Force under Major (later Brigadier ) Khaled Mosharraf and S-Force under Major (later Major General) K M Shafiullah were raised afterwards to fight battles in efficient manners. The irregular forces, generally called Gono Bahini (people’s army), were those who were trained more in guerrilla warfare than the conventional one.
The irregular forces, which after initial training joined different sectors, consisted of the students, peasants, workers and political activists. Irregular forces were initiated inside Bangladesh province to adopt guerrilla warfare against the enemy. The regular forces were engaged in fighting the usual way.
The Mukti Bahini obtained strength from the two main streams of fighting elements: members of armed forces of erstwhile East Pakistan and members of the urban and rural youths many of whome were volunteers. Other groups included members of sangram parishads, youth and student wings of Awami League, NAP, Leftist-Communist Parties and radical groups. The Mukti Bahini had several factions. The foremost one was organized by the members of the regular armed force, who were generally known as Freedom Fighters (FF). Then there was Bangladesh Liberation Forces (BLF) led by four youth leaders of the political wing of Sheikh Mujib’s Awami League and the third one generally known as Special Guerrilla Forces (SGF) led by the Communist Party of Bangladesh, National Awami Party, and Bangladesh Students Union.
Independent forces
In addition, there were also some independent forces that fought in various regions of Bangladesh and liberated many areas. These included Mujib Bahini which was organized in India. Major General Oban of the Indian Army and Student League leaders Serajul Alam Khan, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani, Kazi Arif Ahmed, Abdur Razzak, Tofael Ahmed, A. S. M. Abdur Rab, Shahjahan Siraj, Nur E Alam Siddiqi, and Abdul Quddus Makhon were organisers of this Bahini. There was the Kaderia Bahini under Kader Siddique of Tangail, Afsar Bahini and Aftab Bahini of Mymensingh,Tiger Bahini under Abu Siddique Ahmed of Netrakona Latif Mirza Bahini of Sirajganj, Akbar Hossain Bahini of Jhinaidah, Quddus Molla and Gafur Bahini of Barisal, Hemayet Bahini under Hemayet Uddin of Faridpur..There were also several communist/leftist groups who clashed with the Pakistan Army, and controlled some areas independently.
Leftist factions
In addition,there were some other groups of freedom fighters which were controlled by the Leftist parties and groups including the NAP and Communist Parties. Among others, Siraj Sikder raised a strong guerrilla force which fought several battles with the Pakistani soldiers in Payarabagan, Barisal. Although there were ideological conflicts among the communist parties (most notably, split into pro-soviet and pro-Chinese factions and widespread split within the pro-Chinese faction) on deciding a common action in the context of Bangladesh Liberation, many of the individuals and leaders of Mukti Bahini were deeply influenced by the leftist ideology in general. There were strong concerns among the Indian authority and members of the Awami League led provisional government not to lose the control of the liberation war to the leftists. Nevertheless many leftists overcame these internal and external difficulties and actively participated in the Liberation war with the main nucleus of the Mukti Bahini.
Post independent Bangladesh
Sheikh Mujib was a national hero and immensely popular among the masses. He became the Prime Minister of independent Bangladesh after his release from a Pakistani prison. Sheikh Mujib made many promises to the masses during the course of 1970 election campaign. There were high hopes with him that everything will be changed quickly. Sheikh Mujib introduced reforms and started the Nationalisation policy. New constitution was adopted on the basic principals of Nationalism, Socialism, secularism and democracy. More than 35% Bangladesh was destroyed either by civil war or devastated cyclone. Rebuilding process started but at a very slow pace. The new government failed to control the rising food prices. The serious allegations of rampant corruption against the cabinet members and senior state officials were made. The government failed to check the corruption, nepotism and mismanagement. Sheikh Mujib tried to appease the people with some sacking of his ministers but this half hearted move failed to pacify the mounting anger and discontent against the government.
The first parliamentary elections were held in March 1973, with the Awami League winning a massive majority. Awami League won 307 seats out of 315 national assembly seats. But his party got only 20% votes from military areas and 80% votes went to opposition parties. This trend shows that Sheikh Mujib lost popularity among the army in a very short period of time. In December 1974, in the face of continuing economic deterioration and mounting civil disorder, Mujib proclaimed a state of emergency, limited the powers of the legislative and judicial branches, banned all the newspaper except four government supported papers, and introduced one-party system baning all the other parties.
Sheikh Mujib government tried to silence every dissenting voice in the country. The opposition was crushed. The army was not happy with situation in the country and there was a strong resentment among the layers of the middle level officers against the increased Indian influence. Sheikh Mujib failed to deliver what was promised to the masses. The project of nation building on capitalist basis failed.
In August 1975, middle level army officers organised the quo and killed Sheikh Mujib along with his entire family. Only two daughters survived because both were not in the country. The tragic killing of Sheikh Mujib descended Bangladesh into a chaos and anarchy. It also opened the gates for the military dictatorships in the country.
Military coups in Bangladesh
The coup of 15 August 1975 was organized by officers of Bangladesh Army. They were led by Major Syed Faruqe Rahman and Major Rashid. The coup resulted in the assassination of the country’s president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, his entire family (daughters Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana escaped as they were in Germany) and several ministers and leaders of the Awami League.
3 November 1975
The government set up by Major Faruque, Major Rashid and Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad was overthrown in another coup on 3 November 1975. This was organized by General Khaled Mosharraf, Bir Uttom, a decorated freedom fighter. Mosharraf was seen by many as a supporter of the pre-August government. He put the army chief and fellow freedom fighter General Ziaur Rahman under house arrest but did not execute him. Some also claim that the personal friendship between the two generals prevented General Musharraf from carrying out Rahman’s execution.
7 November 1975
General Mosharraf’s 3 day coup ended due to revolt by soldiers of Bangladesh Army. They freed General Ziaur Rahman from house arrest and killed the coup leader Gen Khaled Mosharraf and his associates..It was a left wing coup led by Colonel Abu Taher.
It was also called soldier’s revolution.
General Ziaur Rehman established first military dictatorship in Bangladesh in November 1975, which lasted for 5 years. General Ziaur Rahman survived as many as 21 coups during his five years until succumbing to the 22nd one. Most of those coups were led by the 1971 freedom-fighter officers who were irked by Ziaur’s liaison with anti liberation pro Islamic quarters. Army officers killed him on May 30 1981.
1982 coup
General Ershad became the chief of staff and maintained loyalty to the new president Abdus Sattar, who led the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to victory in elections in 1982. Ershad even allotted two houses to Mrs. Khaleda Zia & her two sons, one of in Dhaka Cantonment where Ziaur Rahman’s family still resides, and became a centre point of controversy later on.
However the BNP government was not doing well and pressure increased from high-ranking army commanders for the military to take over the reins of state. Ershad came to power in a bloodless coup on 24 March 1982 and proclaimed himself Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA), President Sattar was replaced.He took over as president on 11 December 1983.
Mistakes of the Left
“We have made mistakes in the past,” says CPB General-Secretary Mujaheedul Islam Selim. “After Independence, we did not emerge as a force alternative to Awami League. This was a blunder. We failed to say, ‘If you don’t like Sheikh [Mujibur], come with us’.” He continued: “However, we can’t say that the left has been obliterated. It is the left, after all, that is most vocal in protest about vital national issues such as oil, gas, seaports, the Phulbari coalmine and so on.”Such protests have yet to make an impact on the mass public, however.
It is true that left made grave mistakes and blunders before the independence and after. They miss the opportunity in late 1960s and again during the liberation struggle. Finally they failed again in 1975 during the soldiers revolution. The ordinary members and activists of the left parties made enormous sacrifices and fought bravely and couragesouly to bring revolutionary social change in the country. But the leadership blindly followed the Stalinist stage theory and become tail of the different wings of the ruling class. They failed to put forward an independent class position and alternate. The workers, peasants, students, youth and poor are suffering under the capitalism because of the mistakes and blunders make by the left. The situation again and again pose the question of socialist transformation of the society but left leaders were busy finding one progressive capitalist leader or the other to build capitalism and capitalist democracy in the country. These so-called progressive wings of the ruling class repeatedly betrayed the working class and left but left is still following same policies, which bring disastrous results and consequences for the working class and the poor.